That was intended to be facetious.

"In your interesting letter of the 5th you mention San Diego matters. Now it is well to switch that people from the Texas Pacific road, but I would suggest that you keep on asking them what they will do, but not make them any definite proposition, for if you do, it will be sent East at once, and I am working with the South and saying to them that our interest lays with them; and that what San Francisco and Cal. wants is a direct communication with New Orleans and other Gulf ports, and that our interest lays that way; and we oppose the Texas Pacific because we think if it is built it will prevent for many years our getting such a connection." (No. 37. N. Y., October 18, 1875.)

That was not merrily written.

"I would much like a report of the harbor of San Diego, as I think it is, but I would not care to pay much money for it. Hyde is a bright man, and if he knows how worthless the harbor of San Diego is for an extensive deep sea commerce, I would like a report from him." (No. 335. N. Y., August 18, 1877.)

In California Politics.

The dominating influence of the railroad monopolists in California politics has been California politicians. They are in the vein of the letters.

The voters of California have for many years been the playthings of a few political bandits. They have been driven in the harness of their various parties to the polls by "bosses" shrewdly selected and liberally paid. The results may be seen in glittering heaps of spoils, concentrated in a few hands, in disheartening displays of vast wealth by arrogant possessors who are not properly the owners of it, and who are limited alike in number as in intelligent patriotism; may be felt in unwarranted tax taxation - may be heard in the derision of insolent laughter from lips merry with the delight of fancied security.

The creation of the "boss" rule simplified systematic bribery, concerning which read:

"I received your telegram that Wm. B. Carr has had for his services $60,000 S. P. bonds; then asking how much more I think his services are worth for the future. * * * In view of the many things we have now before Congress * " * it is very important that his friends in Washington should be with us, and if that could be brought about by paying Carr say $10,000 to $20,000 per year, I think we could afford to do it, but, of course, not until he had controlled his friends. I would like to have you get a written proposition from Carr, in which he would agree to control his friends for a fixed sum, then send it to me." (No. 99. N. Y., Jan. 14, 1876.)

So much for California.

Cost of Arizona Legislature and Voters of New Mexico.

"If we had a franchise to build a road or two roads through Arizona (we controlling, but having it in the name of another party) it could be used against Scott. Cannot you have Stafford [Governor of Arizona] call the Legislature together and grant such charters as we want at a cost of say $25,000? If we could get such a charter as I spoke to you of it would be worth much money to us." (No. 18. N. Y., Sept. 27, 1875.)

"I think Stafford had better be in Washington at the commencement of the regular session to get Congress to confirm the Acts of Arizona." (No. 366, N. Y., Oct. 29, 1877.)

As to New Mexico:

I saw Axtell, Gov. of New Mexico, and be said he thought that if we would send to him such a bill as we wanted to have passed into a law, he could get it passed with very little or no money; when, if we sent a man there, they would stick him for large amounts." (No. 366. N. Y., Oct. 29, 1877.)

Corruption and Bribery.

Such in part, is the story of the Letters. If it is not one of appalling corruption and unhesitating bribery often repeated, what else is it? Why should it cost a specific $200,000 to pass any proper bill through Congress? $25,000 to convene a Territorial Legislature? $10,000 to $20,000 a year to influence justly a few Californians? Influence thus exercised is as, palpable as it is direct.

Nature and Value of Picnics.

But ends are sometimes attained by indirection. The Letters tell how. For example:

"I have been working for the last two month" to get a party, of say, 25 Southern members of Congress to go out to California and over the line of the Southern Pacific and see what we have done and our ability to do. * * * I told Senator Gordon of Georgia if he could get up a party of the best men of the South we would pay all their expenses, which. I suppose would not be less than $10,000, and I think it would be money well expended." (No. 208. N. Y., July 26th, 1876.)

But these Southern gentlemen seem to have been somewhat hesitating, as attest:

"I have telegraphed to-day to you to get some of the prominent men of San Francisco to telegraph to Gordon, Senator from Georgia, with other Southern men to go. While Gordon and some others are not afraid to go, G. tells me, that some of his friends do not like to go on an invitation from the R. R. Co." (No. 213. N. Y., Aug. 7th, 1876.)

And the fear of a thoughtful constituency appears to have resulted in "some doubts."

"You must have had a lively time in getting so many good names signed and sent on in so short a time, inviting our Southern brethren to come to Cal. I saw Gordon and several others just before Congress adjourned, and they said they would go, but I have some doubts about it, as most of the members of Congress are looking after their re-election." (No. 221. N. Y., Aug. 25th, 1875.)

By the light of the above extracts may perhaps be interpreted the meaning of the news that has just come by telegraph that the "Senate Committee on Pacific Railroads will take a trip, soon after Congress adjourns, to San Francisco by way of the Union, Central and Southern Pacific systems - in Senator Brice's private car."

Protest and Petition.

It would be an interesting, and to me a congenial task, to further analyze the Letters; to show what tools the monopolists secured, and how they worked with them; to set forth how rivalry was met and defeated; railroads - such as the Santa Monica - absorbed or paralyzed, and many things were done and undone. But my intention at the outset was simply to proclaim with irrefrageable proofs some shameful facts, and to protest against any faltering in enforcing they laws as they exist, compelling payment to the Government of great debts soon to mature. Of principal and interest there will be due from these monopolists and political corruptionists (the first payment, January 16, 1895; the last, January 1, 1899), $77,049,630.66 - less some few millions now to their credit. The money can be collected, and it ought to be. In the meantime, the toleration of a lobby confessedly corrupt argues the existence of a Congress at best incompetent.

Joseph H. Moore